Bleeding Ireland And Black America Essay, Research Paper
Bleeding Ireland and Black America
Fall Road is deserted. Only a few dirt-caked, barefoot, Irishmen can be
seen shivering in the adjacent park. We walk past the Catholic neighborhoods
knowing, at any moment, buildings might explode and automatic weapon fire could
lacerate the air on every side of us. Belfast is charming, apart from the harsh
reality of guerrilla warfare and terrorism being common occurrences. For the
first time, throughout my three month tour of seventeen different European
countries, I feel truly threatened. The tension carries itself into a nearby pub
where an old man asks ?Are you jus daft? Or do ya have relatives here?? His
words hinted at my grandfather’s blunt, yet kindly, expression concerning his
birthplace in N. Ireland, ?If you haven’t been there yet, don’t go there.?
I can remember the lyrics of a Naughty by Nature song blaring over my
car radio, ?If you have never been to the ghetto, don’t ever come to the ghetto,?
as I put in a tape. My thought stream continues as it takes me to another place
where guerrilla warfare and terrorism are a part of daily life.
The gunshots and unruly pitbull barking registers over the calm of the
wet playground. Trash strings the streets and every dwelling has an eight foot,
black, metal fence circuitously about it. Two white faces gape over the hood of
a parked Cadillac. Besides the police parked down the block, they are probably
the only Caucasians in a five mile square radius. Two companies of drug dealers
fire at will scrambling for control of a superior capital making outpost. Even
at nine o’clock in the morning the combat tract roars on.
I was one of those faces peering over the car hood with horror and
revolution in my eyes. N. Richmond is a product of the same type of oppression
and violence that hacks deep into the people of N. Ireland. In the logical
evolution of an oppressed people a civil rights movement was essential. ?It was
necessary to bravely confront our most explosive issues as a people:
Racial[religious, gender, class...] hierarchy and the maldistribution of wealth
and power.? 1If only for a brief moment we achieved this, at least it happened.
We must study the past in order to get to the future. If you don’t know where
you came from, how can you possibly figure out where you are going and that is
why many people stay rooted in the same place.
For centuries, England has kept Ireland under its colonial thumb,
starving its people and manipulating them as slave labor. England stole much of
Ireland’s homeland and gave it to the Protestants allies from Scotland. Earlier
this century, England divided Ireland into two, claiming the six northernmost
counties as its own. The large number of Protestants, who remain loyal to the
Crown of England, have created a system of oppression similar to the Jim Crow
laws of the US. Oppression and second-class citizenship have limited the
Catholics of N. Irelands opportunities and taken many lives. A Civil Rights
movement was the only logical step. But first, we must discuss what lead up to
this logical step-the history.
In January 1919, the Anglo-Irish War began with the first shots being
fired at Solobeghead. Over the next year, the Royal Irish Constabulary (RIC-
British Loyalists) became the target of a Sinn Fein (The beginning roots of the
IRA) terror campaign By mid-1919, the IRB (Irish Republican Brotherhood-Part of
Sinn Fein) had infiltrated the leadership of the Volunteers (Irish Militia) and
were directing its pace on the violence. In an effort to assert control of the
group, Volunteers declared the Army of the Irish Republic.
Britain responded with violence. Special forces were sent over to impose
curfews and martial law on the Irish. These forces became known as the Black and
Tans after a popular Limerick hunt group, and because of their dark green and
khaki uniforms. Another force of veterans from the Great War, called the
Auxiliaries, joined them. Thus began a pattern of assassination and reprisal.
The IRA employed guerrilla tactics, using duck and cover strategies to attack
British troops. Their knowledge of the countryside made up for their lack of
arms. On 21 November 1920 IRA squad assassinated 14 British officers,
effectively destroying the British Secret Service in Ireland. In reprisal, the
Black and Tans fired on a crowd watching a football match at Croke Park. Twelve
people were killed, including one of the team players. The day became known as
Bloody Sunday.
After several months of mass bloodshed, a compromise was met and a ‘
Treaty of Allegiance to England’ was signed by Ireland. This split the IRA into
pro-Treaty or anti-Treaty forces. Treaty loyal troops became the Free State Army,
while the anti-Treaty forces became known as the Irregulars. On 6 July 1922,
Opponents of the Treaty rallied to the cause. Fighting brakes out in Dublin-the
ten-month civil war had begun. The first phase was bloody and brief. The Civil
war ends with many of the irregulars still controlling the South. Logically,
when the country was split the south was free and the six northern most
counties were taken by England and the Northern Protestants.
The Catholic minority of the north suffered greatly during the next
twenty years of oppression. The IRA was still at work, only it moved more
cautiously due to its growing Communist/Marxist nature and some ideological
dissension between its members.2 Data exhibits, just as the inner cities of the
US, that the rates of poverty, unemployment, serious crime, single-female headed
families and welfare dependency in N. Irelands Catholic slums, rose drastically
during this time. There was an increase in drugs, alcoholism (in Ireland?!),
guns, bombings (from both sides)3 which all created a virtual hell as ravaging
as any N. Richmond/E. Oakland-Hunterspoint/if not worse in its own way.
Structural discrimination in employment has remained a feature of
British government rule in the Six Counties. Discrimination has, in fact, been
synonymous with British rule. Unionist loyalty (Northern Protestant)-the rockbed
of the British presence – is in part, conditional on the maintenance of the
economic privilege, often marginal, which employment discrimination has
conferred on unionists.4 In one aspect, unemployment, the situation of Catholics
has actually deteriorated. Unemployment in the Six Counties in April 1989
officially stood at 107,623, representing 15.6% of the workforce. Almost half of
that figure is Catholic while they only represent less than 20% of the
population.5
Discontent with the apartheid system began to emerge in the late `60s
and led to the formation of the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association (The
CRA which was secretly back by the IRA). Its moderate demands were aimed at
trying to reform and democratize the state. The issue of partition was not part
of its agenda. Unionists, however, interpreted any form of political dissent,
however moderate, as a threat to their privileged position and the union with
Britain.6
Peaceful civil rights supporters were, due to Protestant paranoia,
viciously attacked by the RUC and B-Specials (Both ‘English Suppresser Groups ‘
which came out of RIC and the Black and Tans). The violent reaction of the
state shocked the world as television cameras relayed scenes of unprovoked
attacks on civil rights marches and demonstrations. The British government was
not prepared to allow its financial interests to be compromised by widespread
political unrest. At 5 p.m. on August 14th, 1969, substantial numbers of British
soldiers moved into Belfast and Derry. The British army was injected into the
situation under the pagoda cover of being a peace-keeping force deployed ?to
keep the warring factions apart?. The ‘religious war’ myth was regenerated as
justification for the occupation.
In reality, it had been introduced as a life-support unit to sustain a
state which was under threat of collapse. The bad dream of partition was about
to be come the ‘nationalist nightmare’. Within a relatively short period, the
British army’s real job became apparent. With the unionist government acting
like they still were in control, the actual power behind the throne was the
British government’s agent, the British army.
Some two decades ago, people in the Six Counties were marching for civil
rights, Justice, equality and self-respect. The moderate and just demands of the
Civil Rights movement were: One man, one vote (sic); An end to the gerrymandered
local government boundaries; An end to discrimination in the allocation of
housing; An end to discrimination in employment; and The repeal of the Special
Powers Act (SPA).
Pursuit of those demands and the North Protestant regime’s reaction to
it brought the state to a point of collapse. In one year the civil rights
movement had done more to end injustice than fifty years of anti-partion
policies had begun to do.7 But, it wasn’t enough and people began to riots;
tearing apart the major cities of N. Ireland. Only the life-support system was
provided by the British army warded off the collapse, and in the process of
attempting to sustain the state they have exacerbated the situation. The
protests got rid of the SPA but three equally, if not more, repressive laws
have replaced it. Since its birth, the Six-county state has been continuously
governed by totalitarian apartheid legislation which continually causes
descent among the factions.
The provisions and effect of these and other pieces of repressive
legislation has meant that: Anyone can be stopped by British forces anywhere, at
any time. They must give their name, address, where they are coming from, where
they are going to. Anyone can be arrested anywhere, at any time. A detainee can
be held for up to seven days for interrogation. More than 60,000 arrests have
thus taken place. No further legal action was taken against the overwhelming
majority of those arrested. Powers of arrest, therefore, are used largely for
purposes of gathering information and intimidation. Some 7,000 people have been
charged with politically motivated offenses. A substantial percentage were
charged solely on the basis of statements of admission extracted through torture
and maltreatment. More than 2,000 people were interned without charge or trial
between 1971 and 1975. Extensive powers to search have led to the searching of
hundreds of thousands of premises.8 Residences, schools, industrial premises,
sports grounds and farmland have been seized for use as military installations
due to the British government over extending its powers.
Rubber and plastic bullets have been used as a means of intimidating
and deterring demonstrations. Since 1973, more than 50 thousand of these lethal
projectiles have been fired at the civilian population. Seventeen people, eight
of them young children, have been killed, most in circumstances which amount to
murder. Hundreds have been seriously injured. Injuries include serious mental
and physical disablement. Over 300, mainly unarmed, nationalists have been
killed by members of the various security agencies, the British army and the RUC.
British forces have been given virtual immunity from conviction. In 20 years,
only one British soldier has been convicted for murder while on duty. Despite
receiving a life sentence, the soldier was released after serving only two years
and three months, and was immediately reinstated in the army.9
As well as the unjust trauma and suffering on the streets, nationalist
opponents of British rule in Ireland were selected for very special treatment
inside British prisons. The struggle for decent conditions, dignity and
recognition as political prisoners has been constant throughout the past 20
years and continues today. Of all the prison campaigns, the most publicized,
because of the numbers involved and because of the toll of lives extracted, was
the `blanket protest’ which consummated during the hunger-strikes of 1980 and
1981. Deprived of political status in 1975, republican prisoners refused to wear
prison uniforms and clad themselves in blankets. Within a short period, the
punitive actions of the regime forced them to live in their cells surrounded by
their own excrement. Beatings and degradation were used, in an attempt to break
the prisoners’ will. For four years, the prisoners persevered in the most awful
conditions.
On October 27th 1980, a hunger-strike began which was to last 53 Days.
It extracted sufficient concessions from the British government to make a
settlement possible. Having secured the end of the hunger-strike, the British
said they would give in-they lied. A second hunger-strike was initiated on March
1st 1981. It lasted 217 days, ending on October 3rd where the prisoners were
given ‘international political status’ and entitled to more rights, which
Britain ignores to this day.
Civil Rights in Ireland did not accomplish its goals. Since the British
government undemocratically and violently created the State of Northern Ireland
in 1920, Catholics have been discriminated against in almost every way,
particularly in employment. All their many protests failed because the
effectiveness of protests depended on the good faith of the British government.
That good faith was not there then, it is still not there today. The marching
and fasting didn’t work and as of last year- it is back to IRA bombs in London.
As W.E.B DuBois put it:
?The Irish resist, as they have for hundreds of years, various and exasperating
forms of British [colonial] oppression. Their resistance is called crime and
under ordinary conditions would be crime; in retaliation not only the ‘guilty’
but the innocent among them are murdered and robbed and public property is
burned by English ‘guardians of the Peace’!?10
No one else should be able to understand the history of Ireland better
than a black man in the US. It works like this: You kick a man in the head and
you have him arrested for assault. You kill a man and hang the corpse for
murder. From 1776-1964, 188 years, blacks endured theses conditions all over the
United States. It still happens today when the ‘guardians of peace’, the police,
abuse their powers and racially biased legislation is passed. Since Irish and
African Americans have so much in common, why haven’t they been the best of
friends? Commonality often leads to conflict. No people in the world have in the
past gone with blither spirits to ?kill niggers? from Kingston to Delhi and from
Kumassi to Fiji.11
Noel Ignatiev’s ?How the Irish Became White? explains the history of how
the Irish immigrant rose from racially oppressed to racial oppressor. The
oppressed themselves, have continually been used to further domination over
others that are oppressed, in the interest of the universal oppressor. This is
the only book I know of, to focus not on how the Irish were assimilated but how
they assimilated as “whites.” Utilizing newspaper chronicles, memoirs,
biographies, and official accounts, Ignatiev traces the history of Irish and
African-American relations, revealing how the Irish in America used unions, the
Catholic Church and the Democratic party to help gain and secure their newly
found place in the ‘White Republic’ and continued to oppress blacks. On their
arrival in America, the Irish were thrown together with black people on jobs and
in neighborhoods, with predictable results. The Census of 1850 was the first to
include a class called “mulattoes”; it enumerated 406,000 nationwide.12
The interaction between Irish and Afro-Americans was not limited to
sexual affairs: in New Orleans Irish moved into the black district, and
frequented “Black Rookeries”; the Twelfth Presbyterian Church in Philadelphia
was presided over after 1837 by an Afro-American minister and baptismal records
for the next twenty years suggest that one-third of the members were Irish.13
But things rapidly changed and “instead of the Irish love of liberty warming
America,? the winds of republican slavery blew back to Ireland. The Irish had
faded from Green to white, bleached by, as Daniel O’Connell (head of IRA in 1920′
s and known throughout Ireland as ‘the Liberator’) put it, something in the
“atmosphere” of ?America?. Cornel West puts this ?atmosphere? into a clear
statement:
?Without the presence of black people in America, European-Americans would not
be ?white?-they would only be Irish, Italians, Poles, Welsh, and others engaged
in class, ethnic, and gender struggles over resources and identity…White
poverty could be ignored and whites’ paranoia of each other could be overlooked
primarily owing to the distinctive American feature: the basic racial divide of
black and white people.?14
This ?racial divide? is what caused the evolution of the black Civil
Rights movement. The Civil Rights Movement was the first mass movement to evolve
in the 60’s. But it was not the first time that African Americans had waged
struggle against racial oppression. It was the first time that a mass movement
emerged under a non-violent ideology. Slave revolts occurred on plantations and
even aboard the ships that brought them here from Africa. The Civil War happened
to take over the South, not to free the slaves. The northern government didn’t
really care about the slave so after the After the Civil War, African Americans
lived in a system of neo-apartheid in the South. Whites had developed a system
of oppression with total white economic control, exclusion on black people from
the political system, racial segregation and the general notion that blacks were
inferior to whites. Separate drinking fountains for whites and blacks. “Colored
balconies” in movie theaters. Seats in the back of the bus. It may be difficult
to believe these were examples of conditions in America less than 40 years ago.
The struggle to change these conditions, and to win equal protection under the
law for citizens of all races, formed the backdrop of the civil rights movement.
What follows is a brief, far from comprehensive timeline of the black civil
rights movement in the US.
In 1954 the momentous Brown vs. Board of Education U.S. Supreme Court,
banned segregation in public schools. The NAACP put this up in court and beat
the white supremacist laws down. Then in 1955 the murder of a black youth named
Emmett Till, for allegedly whistling at a white woman, triggered black an, for
the first time, placed white supremacy in the South in check. Also n 1955 the
bus boycott is launched in Montgomery, Alabama after Rosa Parks is arrested on
December 1 for refusing to give up her seat to a white person on the bus. She
was not the first to do this, but was the first to have received publicity for
it because she was the secretary for the local NAACP. In 1956 on December 21
after more than a year of boycotting the buses and a legal fight, the Montgomery
buses are desegregate. In 1957, At a previously all-white Central High, Little
Rock, Arkansas, 1,000 paratroopers are called by President Eisenhower to restore
order and escort ?The Little Rock Nine? to attend school.
In 1960, the sit-in protest movement begins in February at a Woolworth’s
lunch counter in Greensboro, North Carolina and spreads across the nation. The
Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) is formed at a meeting
organized by Rosa Parks. The SNCC would become a major force throughout the 1960′
s. Later, leaders like Stokely Carmichael, would lead blacks into the Black
Power Movement which was spawned from Malcom X and the urban ghettos. Then, in
1961 the ‘freedom rides’ begin from Washington, DC, where groups of black and
white people ride buses through the South to challenge segregation. Two people
are killed, many injured in riots in response to the freedom rides as James
Meredith is enrolled as the first black at University of Mississippi.
In 1963, police arrest Martin Luther King and many others demonstrating
in Birmingham, Alabama, then Bull Connor (police chief) orders fire hoses and
police dogs turned on the nonviolent marchers. That same year Medgar Evers,
NAACP leader, is murdered June 12 as he enters his home in Jackson, Mississippi.
250,000 people attend the March on Washington, DC urging support for pending
civil-rights legislation. The event was highlighted by King’s “I have a dream?
speech. On September 15th four girls killed in bombing of the Sixteenth Street
Baptist Church in Birmingham, Alabama. In1964, SNNC and much of the youth of
America are unable to agree on which ideology to follow: direct action or
revolutionary politics. Three civil-rights workers are murdered that year
leading to a more violent opposition by protesters. On July 2, president Johnson
signs the Civil Rights Act of 1964.
Malcolm X is murdered Feb. 21, 1965. On August 6. President Johnson
signs the Voting Rights Act of 1965. The act, which King and SNCC, registered
qualified voters and suspended devices such as literacy tests that aimed to
prevent African Americans from voting. During August 11-16 the Watts riots leave
34 dead in Los Angeles. Then in 1968 The Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. is
assassinated in Memphis, Tennessee, unleashing violence in more than 100 cities.
In order to diversify university enrollment priorities are given to
underrepresented minorities.
In more resent years, the U.S. Supreme Court outlaws racial quotas in a
suit brought by Allan Bakke, a white man who had been turned down by the medical
school at University of California, Davis.1989 Douglas Wilder of Virginia
becomes the nation’s first African American to be elected state governor. Four
years ago, in 1992, the first racially based riots in years erupt in Los Angeles
and other cities after a jury acquits LA police officers in the videotape
beating of Rodney King, a black man.
The Civil Rights Movement made some changes except they all seem to fall
short when we look at their results today. The movement was happening in the
midst of war over ideology (capitalist vs. socialist) and people felt the need
to stick with their country even if it didn’t them serve them and exploited them.
The US government continual undermined the movement while it pretended to be
helping it. Many of the people involved put their faith in the system and never
thought of a revolution to change the system. From the Montgomery bus boycott to
the sit-ins to the violent rebellions, black people are still not equal to
whites.
?Black infants die in America at twice the rate of white infants. (Despite the
increased numbers of the middle class blacks, the rates are diverging, with
black rates actually rising.) One out of every two black children lives below
the poverty line (as compared with one out of every seven white children).
Nearly four times as many black families exist below the poverty line as white
families. More than 50 percent of African American families have incomes below
$25,000 dollars. Among black youth under age twenty, death by murder occurs
nearly ten times as often as among whites. Over 60 percent of birth to black
mothers occur out of wedlock , more than four time the rate of white mothers.
The net worth of the typical white household is ten times that of the typical
black household. In many states, five to ten times as many blacks as whites age
eighteen to thirty are in prison.?15
Although the US civil rights movement sparked advantageous legislation
to be passed, data exhibits that the inner-city, of our country are more
hazardous and deplorable residences then ever. The rates of poverty,
unemployment, serious crime, single-female headed families, welfare dependency
and non-marriage child birth have continued to rise until reaching the combat
zones of today. These bullet hole and blood spattered places are growing and are
now four to five times bigger than their original sizes in almost all major
cities of the United States.16
Death has become an accepted, even expected result of life in the ghetto.
In North Richmond and other places like it, children live a life of want, of
deeply segregated and ill equipped schools, of gang violence and limited hope.
Young men, some as young as 11 and 12, accept with shrugging shoulders that
reaching adulthood is not a guarantee. Violent expiration is the swift
undercurrent of poverty and hopelessness: it has become an inartistic trait
absorbed seamlessly into the weave of culture.17
Killing or being killed are the ultimate signs of status. Those who kill
command the most respect. Those who die are revered and memorialized beyond
anything they could hope for in life, which isn’t much, considering only a small
group of people will treasure their short lives; they truly become ‘just another
statistic’. In the slum a pager beacons the message of death: three numbers- 187
those three numbers are self explanatory, their appearance chilling. They
represent the penal code designation for murder as well as who is marked for
assassination on the street. It is written on the walls. It gives the music its
beat. In the ghetto; death is life.
Poverty, oppression, and colonization all produce violence and
oppression. According to Munoz the only difference between external and internal
colonization is the legal status of the colony. A colony can be considered ?
internal? if the colonized people has the same formal legal status as any other
group of citizens, and external if it is placed in a separate legal category.18
According to this definition, African Americans are an internally colonized
people while Northern Ireland is an external colony. Both are oppressed people
living under exploited conditions maintained by maintained by discriminatory
legislation, exclusion from the political system, segregation and violence.
Neither has control over the institutions which affect their lives. The result
is a community that find itself unhappy, powerless and it people are regarded as
second class citizens.
From Ireland to America the movements failed to resolve most of the
problems they faced. The question is, why? Both movements had the same goal of
freedom and equality. Both movements used nonviolent as well as violence to
achieve their goals. The nonviolence worked better then the violence in both
countries, but the results still fell short of what the people need. Both
protesters had internal ideological differences which weakened their sprit and
results. Both groups were ‘lead to the far left’ and back again with a group of
former participants fighting it all the time. Their communist ideas where not
supported by the rest of the populous and this stifled their results. The people
of the western world have a very negative view of socialism and without the
populations support the movement would die. Both organizations gave up on
communism and went back to just plain violence and rioting. All their many
protests failed because the effectiveness of protests depended on the good faith
of the government. That good faith was not there then, it is still not there
today. Laws might of been past to stop the unrest, but laws do not always mean
change in a colonial system.
To contrast the two movements, besides the obvious religion vs. race,
external vs. internal colonization and Britain vs. the United States. The
outside views of the movements were probably the main difference that had any
affects on the movements. The IRA has always been seen as a terrorist
organization rather than a revolutionary one while the most radical Civil Rights
organizations in America were always seen as just radical groups. Another
important difference to note is the Irish have had very little help from the
outside while the American movement had many financial supporters. The cultural
differences of both of the oppressing countries also affected the treatment of
the people that were incarcerated during the movements. The British government
was more open in its outright assassination of movement leader than the US was.
The FBI and its CIONTEL program was much more secretive in its sabotage of Civil
Right s organizations than the British Army. Both Civil Rights Movements showed
that social change could be made by a mass of unskilled, resource-less, people.
Even if the changes were small, at least it allowed associations to see that a
transformation could be accomplished.
You will not find a ’solution’ in the past; maybe the beginning of a
path, but everyone must be willing to walk down it . Only the people of today
can change things for the better. History simply shows us how the problem(s)
came into being and how the people became what they are. Other disciplines such
as psychology, sociology, economics, and even plain common sense may help but in
the end human beings in society, as in their private lives, have to work thing
out for themselves. We all have a measure choice when it comes to altering
their own personal lives.
If blame is to be appointed for today’s situation in Ireland as well as
America, it should be laid not on the heads of men of today but of history. If a
personal villain is sought then perhaps it should be placed on the successive
governments of Britain and America who, racked by past events, aborted their
responsibilities in Northern Ireland and the ghettos of America. We are all
prisoners of history and the views we have learned from it.
History is a difficult prison to escape from and the history of America
and Ireland are as difficult as any. The Civil Rights Movements were a brief
moment of looking past prison walls and coming to the realization of change. But
it didn’t last long. As the ‘black rage’ and “white backlash” increased in